By R. Sasankan
The pundits have always moaned about India’s rising import dependence on
fossil fuels – a situation that has buffeted its economy every time
that the crude oil and natural gas markets turn volatile in response to
unexpected and unforeseen Black Swan events like the war in Ukraine at
present.
But it was not always like that.
Back in the 1980s, with the launch of accelerated production plan at
ONGC’s Bombay High offshore oilfield, India’s domestic output soared to a
level where it could meet 80 per cent of the country’s crude oil
demand. But that brief, self-indulgent period of relative energy
security did not last for very long. A combination of several factors
twisted the tale into a nightmarish ride into terrible uncertainty.
Production in Bombay High ran into problems because of wrong production
practices that wrecked the reservoir. The geologists from the erstwhile
Soviet Union who had helped India to identify Bombay High and other
fields in the western offshore were dumped in favour of contractors from
Japan, South Korea and the west. The colossal levels of corruption
among the big-wigs at ONGC and successive petroleum ministers steadily
undermined the spirit of discovery that a visionary politician like K.D.
Malviya had instilled in the brave hearts who founded and ran the
upstream giant in its formative years.
In the absence of a significant commercial oil and gas find since the
discovery South Bassein gas field in Bombay offshore in 1976, India’s
oil imports have been consistently rising and domestic production
steadily falling. Today, India imports 86 per cent of its crude oil
requirement. India’s oil demand is expected to grow from the current 4.7
million barrels per day (mb/d) to 6.7 mb/d in 2030 and 8.3 mb/d in
2050. India’s oil imports are projected to rise from 4.1 mb/d to 6.2
mb/d in 2030 and 8 mb/d in 2050.
This presents a very grim scenario. But on the flip side, there is also a
palpable sense of excitement triggered by a senior executive of
ExxonMobil who recently said that he found the Indian geology highly
prospective for oil finds and compared it to the attractiveness of
Guyana where oil production is expected to surpass big offshore basins
like the US, Norway and Mexico by 2035 with the likelihood that it could
emerge as the world’s fourth largest offshore oil producer. (I will
come to this a little later.)
I deliberately chose to highlight the dismal oil scenario in India –
offering this as a realistic backdrop to petroleum minister Hardeep
Puri’s recent effusive comments about the $ 58 billion of investment in
India’s exploration and production sector as the country aims to double
the net geographical area under exploration by 2025.
In Puri’s view, oil giants like Chevron, ExxonMobil and Total are keen
to invest in India. The government has reduced the prohibited or no-go
areas in India’s exclusive economic zone [EEZ] by 99%, opening up nearly
1 million square kilometres for exploration to attract the domestic and
overseas investors. The country’s upstream major ONGC, which has an
exploration area of 170,000 sq. km, plans to add around 100,000 sq. km
annually to take the total exploratory acreage to 500,000 sq. km by
2024-25. On paper, this looks great.
Puri sounds sincere and his personal integrity – a quality that he
shares with his pre-1970 predecessors - remains a highly positive factor
in an otherwise disappointing oil and gas scenario. But I want to
caution him against a reckless, aggressive exploratory drilling strategy
in domestic basins. He should do everything legally possible to attract
oil multinationals and encourage domestic E&P companies to step up
exploration efforts. But he must not allow himself to be taken for a
ride by statements made by devious oil pundits and business executives.
Permit me to recall a development in the early 1980s when the renowned
international magazine Time carried an article which made the outlandish
claim that India’s Godavari offshore was floating on oil. It stoked so
much excitement that the then finance minister R. Venkatraman made a
statement in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of parliament, to the effect
that India would pre-pay a controversial structural adjustment loan
that India had taken from the IMF if “Godavari blesses”.
For the record, ONGC drew a blank in all the wells it drilled there. And
finally, after 40 years of effort, it discovered a small field which is
now under development. In comparison, other areas or basins turned out
to be far more prospective. I can understand Venkatraman’s insufficient
understanding of the oil industry. But this episode shows how even a
shrewd politician like him could be so easily taken for a ride.
This is precisely what happened in Vietnam. After its liberation, almost
all the oil majors rushed to that country stating that Vietnam was rich
in crude oil reserves. The communist country welcomed all those
multinationals and almost of all of them drew a blank. Not very long
ago, BP’s resident executive made a statement that the deep water
Krishna-Godavari (KG) basin was rich in natural gas. None of these oil
majors, however, turned up to bid for these exploration blocks when they
were put up for auction. Chevron was the only one to participate in the
first round of bidding in the 1990s. It pulled out after drilling a
wildcat well.
India’s state-owned ONGC and Oil India have been drilling intensely for
all these years. My understanding is that ONGC has even created a record
recently in drilling the largest number of dry wells among all leading
E&P companies in the world. These Indian PSUs draw up an annual plan
and they strive to meet their ambitious drilling targets as failure to
do so will be considered a lapse on their part. This is done on the
basis of prognosticated reserves which are nothing but overblown
guesstimates.
ONGC has a genuine problem. It is saddled with rigs that cannot be
allowed to rust. The political bosses and the ONGC management found a
lot of virtue in buying oil rigs. But, these assets later morphed into
gigantic liabilities. In a country like India that is not perceived to
be rich in hydrocarbon reserves, the most sensible policy should have
been to limit drilling to highly prospective areas. But this begs a
question: what will happen to the staff and the rigs? Can the country
afford such a criminal wastage of resources? I expect minister Puri to
apply his mind to this issue. The sad truth is that India has limited
hydrocarbon reserves. No expert has ever questioned this assessment so
far. The ExxonMobil executive now strongly differs with this perception.
He should be given a chance to prove himself right by putting the bucks
where his mouth is.
Whatever be the exploration efforts in the domestic basins, India should
continue to explore other options. Indian companies now go all the way
to the US to buy crude oil and, of late, the US has started to purchase
petroleum products from India. Being a former diplomat, Puri will have a
better understanding of what this ultimately means. Instead of
importing crude oil, why not buy oil fields in the US? Oil and gas
fields are available for outright sale in the US. Alternatively, India
can opt for the equity participation route by joining a consortium that
bids for oil concessions.
According to Puri, oil giants such as Chevron, ExxonMobil and Total are
keen to invest in India. BP is already present as a joint venture
partner with the Reliance group. Here is an opportunity for him to link
foreign interest in the Indian market to acquisition of upstream
hydrocarbon assets overseas. This is what China has done. China’s
current primary energy consumption is four times that of India. India
has a lot of lessons to learn from China: the first and foremost is that
you cannot become an upper middle- income country with a per capita
energy consumption below 30% of the global average.
India has a long haul ahead – and Puri has his task cut out if he is
firm in his resolve to achieve India’s ambitious energy security
objectives.
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